Wrong about "Copenhagen Consensus"
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The efforts against AIDS
    Having studied the issue that received bottom priority, we may also take a look at the issue that received top priority - viz. fighting AIDS. This issue was expounded by the challenge paper on communicable diseases by Anne Mills and Sam Shillcutt. They presented an extensive overview of what benefit/cost ratios could be obtained by various measures against AIDS. An overall package for HIV prevention that has been published in the Lancet by Stover et al. (8) was adopted without modifications. It contains such elements as school-based AIDS education, outreach for professional sex workers, distribution of condoms, mass media campaigns, and treatment for sexually transmitted infections. The full cost of scaling-up this programme and sustaining it until 2010 will be $27 bn, and the price for each infection averted will be about $1,000. These figures, published in 2002, were adopted without modification in the Copenhagen Consensus report. The overall HIV prevention package is predicted to yield a benefit/cost ratio of more than 40. It presupposes political commitment and improved infrastructure, but there is no certainty if these conditions will be met.
    In the basic assessment of the costs and benefits, a 3 percent discount rate was used. But because of the short time span, changes in discount rate mattered little.
    In the calculation of benefits, income for surviving persons was converted to purchasing power parity (PPP), which tends to increase the benefits. In all other issues in Copenhagen Consensus, income was not converted. Therefore, the analyses are not strictly comparable.
    This assessment therefore seems to be slightly biased. Improved infrastructure is presupposed, but the costs for this are not included; and the discount rate is relatively low compared with the case of climate change.

Illogical ranking
    When the results of the conference are presented, we get the impression that they are ranked according to benefit/cost ratios, with the highest ratios leading to the highest priorities. But this impression is false.
    The expert panel did not bother to present the corresponding benefit/cost ratios in the priority list, so the reader cannot readily check the basis for setting the priorities. If one makes an review of the ratios, however, it appears that the ranking was not based on these. Instead, the ranking was subjective, based on the panel experts´ own opinions on the world´s problems.
Furthermore, some of the calculations need slight corrections. When such corrections are carried out, the alternative ranking list becomes substantially different from its original version. This serves to emphasise that prioritisation is shaky - a few slight amendments, and priorities shift.
    Details on the ranking and benefit/cost ratios are available in (9).


The scale of the effort
    In Copenhagen Consensus, the panel was asked to rank the projects in answer to the question: "What would be the best ways of advancing global welfare, and particularly the welfare of developing countries, supposing that an additional $50 billion of resources were at governments´ disposal?" The money was to be spent over 5 years.
    In this context, that amount is very little, especially when compared with total military expenditure, which amounts to about 1 trillion dollars per year, of which the USA spend about 0.44 trillion dollars. Or it can be compared to the total world subsidies which are about 0.9 trillion dollars. Of these, about 0.3 trillion dollars are agricultural subsidies, whereas the rest are mainly for fisheries, energy production, and transport. Thus, the $10 billion per year earmarked in Copenhagen Consensus represent approx. 3 % of all agricultural subsidies, or 1 % of all subsidies. Or, again, it could be compared with the purported benefits obtained if we remove all trade barriers and subsidies. These benefits, according to the Copenhagen Consensus result, are at least $254 billion per year. This is much more than the $10 billion per year earmarked in the conference scenario.
By setting the earmarked amount so low, the members of the panel were forced to allocate money only to projects that give an extremely high rate of return on invested capital, in a short time. With a larger amount - which would still be realistic - they would have been able to address several of the world´s problems at the same time.
    This is especially relevant when it comes to the challenge of climate change. In Cline´s paper for the conference (3), the costs - during 300 years - of an optimal procedure to combat climate change would be $128 trillion before discounting, or $35 trillion after discounting at a rate of 1.5 % per year. These amounts may be smaller if society spends more on alternative energy sources, but they will still be large. In comparison, the amount that Lomborg proposes for all aspects of global welfare is $0.05  trillion. That is only 1/700 of what is needed for climate mitigation in Cline´s example. So, what good could one do with a sum sufficient to reduce climate change by 1/700th of that needed? The effect would be scarcely measurable. No wonder, therefore, that such an investment did not appear attractive in Lomborg´s scenario.
    It is clear that the costs caused by climate change will be huge. Even if it pays off, the spending of $35 trillion in present value to prevent future damage may seem prohibitively large. But  this expenditure is distributed over many years. Around the year 2045, the "costs" will amount to c. 1 % of the total income of the world (the GWP). Would we be willing to spend 1 % of our riches to avoid all the damage that climate change could cause   - knowing that if we do not do it, even bigger costs will fall upon our descendants, and in ways overe which we have no control?

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